國(guó)務(wù)院新聞辦公室6日發(fā)表了《民族區(qū)域自治制度在西藏的成功實(shí)踐》白皮書(shū)。全文如下：
The Information Office of the State Council, or China's Cabinet, on Sunday issued a white paper on Successful Practice of Regional Ethnic Autonomy in Tibet. Following is the full text:

民族區(qū)域自治制度在西藏的成功實(shí)踐
Successful Practice of Regional Ethnic Autonomy in Tibet

中華人民共和國(guó)國(guó)務(wù)院新聞辦公室
The State Council Information Office of the People's Republic of China

2015年9月
September 2015, Beijing

目 錄
Contents

前 言
Preface

一、舊西藏的黑暗與落后
I. Old Tibet: Dark and Backward

二、走上發(fā)展進(jìn)步道路
II. Embarking on the Road to Development and Progress

三、符合國(guó)情的政治制度
III. The Political System Suited to China's Actual Conditions

四、保障人民當(dāng)家作主
IV. The People as Masters of the Country

五、大力增進(jìn)人民福祉
V. Improving People's Welfare

六、保護(hù)和弘揚(yáng)優(yōu)秀傳統(tǒng)文化
VI. Protecting and Carrying Forward the Excellent Traditional Culture

七、尊重和保護(hù)宗教信仰自由
VII. Respecting and Protecting Freedom of Religious Belief

八、推進(jìn)生態(tài)文明建設(shè)
VIII. Promoting Ecological Progress

結(jié)束語(yǔ)
Conclusion

*********************************

前言
Preface

民族區(qū)域自治，是中國(guó)特色社會(huì)主義的一項(xiàng)基本政治制度，是中國(guó)解決民族問(wèn)題的基本政策。
Regional ethnic autonomy is a fundamental political system under socialism with Chinese characteristics - a basic policy through which to solve problems relating to ethnic minorities.

中國(guó)的民族區(qū)域自治，是指在國(guó)家的統(tǒng)一領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下，各少數(shù)民族聚居地方實(shí)行區(qū)域自治，設(shè)立自治機(jī)關(guān)，行使自治權(quán)。中國(guó)民族自治地方的設(shè)立是根據(jù)當(dāng)?shù)孛褡尻P(guān)系、經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展等條件，并參酌歷史情況而確定的。目前，中國(guó)的民族自治地方依據(jù)少數(shù)民族聚居區(qū)人口的多少、面積的大小分為自治區(qū)、自治州、自治縣三級(jí)，行政地位分別相當(dāng)于省、設(shè)區(qū)的市和縣。
Regional ethnic autonomy in China means, under the unified leadership of the central government, that regional autonomy is exercised and organs of self-government are established for the exercise of the right of autonomy in areas where various ethnic minorities live in compact communities. The establishment of ethnic autonomous areas is determined by local ethnic relations, economic development and other conditions, with reference to historical background. China's ethnic autonomous areas are divided, according to the population and size of the compact communities in which ethnic minorities live, into autonomous regions, autonomous prefectures, and autonomous counties at three levels equivalent to provinces, cities divided into districts, and counties in the administrative division.

在中國(guó)，西藏是一個(gè)藏族占多數(shù)的民族聚居區(qū)，目前總?cè)丝?17.55萬(wàn)，其中藏族占92%以上；除藏族外，西藏還有漢族、蒙古族、回族、納西族、怒族、獨(dú)龍族、門巴族、珞巴族以及僜人、夏爾巴人等40多個(gè)民族成分。根據(jù)中國(guó)憲法，國(guó)家在西藏實(shí)行民族區(qū)域自治制度，建立西藏自治區(qū)，并設(shè)有門巴、珞巴、納西等民族鄉(xiāng)，依法保障西藏各族人民平等參與管理國(guó)家和地方事務(wù)的政治權(quán)利。
Tibet is an ethnic region mostly inhabited by Tibetans, who account for more than 92 percent of its present 3,175,500 population, which also includes 40 other ethnic groups, including the Han, Mongolian, Hui, Naxi, Nu, Drung, Monba, Lhoba, Deng and Sherpa people. According to the Constitution of the People's Republic of China (PRC), regional ethnic autonomy has been exercised in Tibet, and Tibet Autonomous Region, under which are the Monba, Lhoba and Naxi ethnic townships, has been founded, protecting by law the political rights of various ethnic groups in Tibet to participate as equals in administering state and local affairs.

自1959年實(shí)行民主改革和1965年實(shí)行民族區(qū)域自治制度以來(lái)，西藏不僅建立起全新的社會(huì)主義制度，而且實(shí)現(xiàn)了經(jīng)濟(jì)社會(huì)發(fā)展的歷史性跨越。西藏成功地走上了與全國(guó)各族人民共同團(tuán)結(jié)奮斗、共同平等發(fā)展、共同繁榮進(jìn)步的光明大道。藏民族作為中華民族大家庭的一員，實(shí)現(xiàn)了平等參與管理國(guó)家事務(wù)的權(quán)利，成為管理西藏地方社會(huì)事務(wù)、主宰自己命運(yùn)的主人，成為西藏社會(huì)物質(zhì)財(cái)富、精神財(cái)富的創(chuàng)造者和享有者。
Since the democratic reform was carried out in 1959 and regional ethnic autonomy came into practice in 1965, Tibet has established the new socialist system and achieved historic leaps and bounds in its economic and social development. Tibet has taken a road that unites it with all China's ethnic groups and struggles to develop equally, achieve prosperity, and make progress with them. As part of the Chinese nation, the Tibetan people fulfill the right to participate equally in the management of state affairs; they are thus managers of local social affairs and masters of their own destiny, creating and sharing the material and spiritual wealth of Tibet.

雖然西藏自治區(qū)從成立至今只有50年，但帶來(lái)了翻天覆地的巨大變化。今日的西藏，是其歷史上最為輝煌的時(shí)期。
Although it has been only 50 years since the founding of Tibet Autonomous Region, great changes have taken place. Tibet is now in its golden age.

一、舊西藏的黑暗與落后
I. Old Tibet: Dark and Backward

直至20世紀(jì)50年代，西藏社會(huì)依然處于政教合一的封建農(nóng)奴制統(tǒng)治之下。這種存在了幾百年的黑暗制度，扼殺人權(quán)，摧殘人性，是人類社會(huì)最為落后的制度。在這種制度下，人民既無(wú)民主權(quán)利，也無(wú)經(jīng)濟(jì)、社會(huì)、文化權(quán)利，各項(xiàng)基本人權(quán)根本得不到保障。舊西藏與現(xiàn)代文明的距離，十分遙遠(yuǎn)。
Even in the 1950s, Tibet was still a society ruled by feudal serfdom under theocracy. Having existed for several centuries, this wretched system stifled human rights and destroyed human qualities. It was thus the most backward mode of human society under which the people had no democratic, economic, social, or cultural rights, and their basic human rights were not protected. Old Tibet was a far cry from modern civilization.

在封建農(nóng)奴制度統(tǒng)治之下，農(nóng)奴遭受殘酷的政治壓迫，沒(méi)有任何人身自由，喪失了基本人權(quán)。
Under feudal serfdom, serfs suffered cruel political oppression and had no personal freedom or fundamental rights.

舊西藏實(shí)行以《十六法典》《十三法典》為代表的法律，對(duì)廣大農(nóng)奴實(shí)行野蠻壓迫。這些《法典》將人分成“三等九級(jí)”，大貴族、大活佛和高級(jí)官員被認(rèn)為是天生高貴的人，處于最上等地位，而廣大農(nóng)奴則被劃為下等人。命價(jià)也有高低不同，上等人“命價(jià)為與尸體等重的黃金”，屠夫、鐵匠等下等下級(jí)的人，“命價(jià)僅值一根草繩”。不同等級(jí)的人觸犯同一刑律，量刑標(biāo)準(zhǔn)和處置方法也不相同。仆人使主人受傷的，要砍掉仆人的手或腳；主人打傷仆人，則不付給任何賠償費(fèi)。農(nóng)奴主和農(nóng)奴在法律上的地位極其不平等，農(nóng)奴主擁有對(duì)農(nóng)奴和奴隸的生殺予奪權(quán)，他們用剜目、割肉、割舌、斷手、剁腳、抽筋、戴銬等野蠻刑罰，來(lái)維護(hù)對(duì)農(nóng)奴和奴隸的統(tǒng)治。
Old Tibet implemented laws, as represented by the "16-Article Code" and "13-Article Code," that oppressed serfs. These laws divided people into three classes and nine ranks, whereby nobles, Living Buddhas and senior officials were born into and thus constituted the upper class, while the broad masses of serfs constituted the lower class. Value accorded to life correspondingly differed. The value of the life of a person of the upper class was measured in gold according to his weight. The value of the lives of butchers, blacksmiths, and others of the lowest rank of the lower class was equivalent to hempen rope. When people of different classes and ranks violated the same criminal law, the criteria in old Tibet for imposing penalties and the means of punishment were quite different. The laws stipulated that the punishment for a servant who injured his master was to have his hands or feet chopped off, but a master who injured a servant was not required to pay compensation. Serf owners and serfs had overtly unequal standing according to law. Serf owners held absolute power over the lives of serfs and slaves, and ensured their rule over the latter through savage punishments, including gouging out eyes, cutting out flesh or tongues, cutting off hands or feet, pulling out tendons, and being put in manacles.

舊西藏的噶廈政府規(guī)定，農(nóng)奴只能固定在所屬領(lǐng)主的莊園土地上，不得擅自離開(kāi)，絕對(duì)禁止逃亡?！叭瞬粺o(wú)主、地不無(wú)差”，三大領(lǐng)主強(qiáng)制占有農(nóng)奴人身，農(nóng)奴世世代代依附領(lǐng)主，作為土地的附屬物束縛在土地上。凡是人力和畜力能種地的，一律得種差地，并支烏拉差役。農(nóng)奴一旦喪失勞動(dòng)能力，就收回牲畜、農(nóng)具、差地，降為奴隸。三大領(lǐng)主還把農(nóng)奴當(dāng)作私有財(cái)產(chǎn)隨意支配，用于賭博、抵債、贈(zèng)送、轉(zhuǎn)讓和買賣。農(nóng)奴的婚姻必須取得領(lǐng)主的同意，不同領(lǐng)主的農(nóng)奴婚嫁要繳納“贖身費(fèi)”。農(nóng)奴生小孩要到領(lǐng)主那里繳納出生稅，登記入冊(cè)，注定終身為奴。農(nóng)奴如果被迫流落外地謀生，要向原屬領(lǐng)主交“人役稅”，持交稅證明，才不至于被當(dāng)作逃亡戶處理。
The Kashag (cabinet) of old Tibet prescribed that all serfs must stay on the land within the manors of their owners. They were not allowed to leave without permission; fleeing the manor was forbidden. "All serfs have owners and all plots of land are assigned." Serfs were possessed by the three major estate-holders (local government officials, nobles and upper-ranking lamas in monasteries). They remained serfs from generation to generation, and confined to the land of their owners. All serfs and their livestock able to labor had to till the plots of land assigned to them and provide corvee labor. Once serfs lost their ability to labor, they were deprived of livestock, farm tools and land, and their status was degraded to that of slave. Since serfs were their private property, the three major estate-holders could use them as gambling stakes, mortgages for debt, present them as gifts, or transfer and trade them. All serfs needed permission from their owners to marry, and male and female serfs belonging to different owners had to pay "redemption fees" before such permission was granted. After marriage, serfs were also taxed on their newborn children, which were registered the moment they were born, so sealing their fate as lifelong serfs. Serfs that needed to make a living in other places were required to pay "servitudetax," and had to produce proof of having paid such tax or they would otherwise be punished as fugitives.

1940年前往主持十四世達(dá)賴?yán)镒驳膰?guó)民政府蒙藏委員會(huì)委員長(zhǎng)吳忠信在《奉使辦理藏事報(bào)告書(shū)》中，對(duì)舊西藏統(tǒng)治者對(duì)人民的壓迫以及人民的悲慘痛苦處境有這樣的描述：“西藏因地處高寒，農(nóng)產(chǎn)稀少，人民生活本極困難，而西藏當(dāng)局壓迫剝削更無(wú)所不用其極，使藏民生活墮入人間地獄，其苦乃不可言。西藏當(dāng)局視人民直如奴隸牛馬，照例不付代價(jià)，即伙食馬料亦須由人民自備，而差徭紛繁幾無(wú)寧日，人民受擾之劇可以想見(jiàn)。政府復(fù)可一紙命令無(wú)代價(jià)的征收人民之財(cái)產(chǎn)，或?qū)⒋朔N財(cái)產(chǎn)賞給寺廟或貴族中之有功者?？傊谖鞑鼐硟?nèi)，人民已失去其生存與自由之保障，其生活之痛苦實(shí)非言語(yǔ)所可形容也。”
After presiding over the enthronement ceremony of the 14th Dalai Lama in 1940, Wu Zhongxin, chief of the Commission for Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs of the Kuomintang Government, described the rulers' oppression and the people's sufferings in old Tibet in his "Report on Tibetan Affairs on a Mission": "Located in frigid highlands, Tibet has rare agricultural products. The people live a hard life, whereas the Tibetan authorities do their utmost to oppress and exploit them, making the lives of the Tibetans one of hell and misery. The Tibetan authorities regard the people as slaves and beasts of burden and do not pay them as a rule; the people even have to find their own food and horse fodder; meanwhile they endure incessant, copious and complicated corvee labor and never enjoy days of peace. You can thus imagine how harassed they are. The authorities can issue an order to appropriate the people's property without compensation and bestow such property on lamaseries or meritorious nobles. In short, in Tibet, the people have lost their guarantee of survival and freedom, and their miserable life is beyond description."

在封建農(nóng)奴制度統(tǒng)治之下，農(nóng)奴沒(méi)有生產(chǎn)資料，生存權(quán)受到嚴(yán)重威脅。
Ruled by feudal serfdom under theocracy, serfs had no means of production, and their right to subsistence was under threat.

舊西藏，占人口只有5%的三大領(lǐng)主（官家、貴族、寺廟上層僧侶）及其代理人，幾乎占有全部的耕地、牧場(chǎng)、森林、山川、河流、河灘以及大部分牲畜，而占人口多達(dá)95%的農(nóng)奴，包括“差巴”（領(lǐng)種份地，向農(nóng)奴主支差役的人）、“堆窮”（意為冒煙的小戶）、“朗生”（一無(wú)所有，世代為奴），卻不掌握生產(chǎn)資料，遭受殘酷的經(jīng)濟(jì)剝削。
In old Tibet, the three major estate-holders and their agents accounted for only five percent of Tibet's population, but they owned almost all of Tibet's farmland, pastures, forests, mountains, rivers, and beaches, as well as most of the livestock. About 95 percent of old Tibet's population was made up of serfs, including "tralpa" as they are known in the Tibetan language (people who tilled plots of land assigned to them and who were obligated to provide corvee labor for serf owners), "duiqoin" (small households with chimneys emitting smoke), and "nangzan" (hereditary household slaves who were deprived of any means of production and personal freedom). They had no means of production and suffered cruel economic exploitation.

農(nóng)奴遭受的第一重剝削是地租。在莊園里，農(nóng)奴主把土地分成兩部分：大部分為農(nóng)奴主的自營(yíng)地，一小部分是以奴役性的條件分給農(nóng)奴耕種的“份地”。農(nóng)奴為了領(lǐng)得“份地”，必須自帶工具和口糧，在農(nóng)奴主的自營(yíng)地上無(wú)償服勞役。這些無(wú)償?shù)膭趧?dòng)，就是繳納給農(nóng)奴主的勞役地租。而農(nóng)奴在“份地”里收獲的大部分糧食最終又都被領(lǐng)主收走了?！安畎汀币荒晁貌贿^(guò)二三百斤，連糊口都不夠，主要靠吃野菜和野草，再摻上一點(diǎn)糧食過(guò)日子。除了通過(guò)勞役繳納沉重的地租外，農(nóng)奴還必須繳納名目繁多的稅費(fèi)。
The first exploitation serfs suffered was land rent. Serf owners on feudal manors divided the land into two parts: The largest part was kept as manor demesne while smaller lots were rented to serfs under stringent conditions. To use the lots, serfs had to work on the demesne with their own farm implements and provide their own food. Such unpaid labor constituted the rent they paid to serf owners. Most of the grain that serfs harvested from the lots was finally taken away by estate-holders. A "tralpa" could only keep 100-150 kilograms of grain annually, which was not enough to live on; his diet mainly consisted of wild herbs and weeds mixed with a little grain. In addition to the heavy land rent paid in the form of labor, serfs had to pay numerous taxes and fees.

農(nóng)奴遭受的第二重剝削是烏拉差。烏拉差是一種包括徭役、賦稅、地（畜）租在內(nèi)的含義十分廣泛的差稅總稱。舊西藏僅地方政府征收的差稅就達(dá)200多種。農(nóng)奴為地方政府和莊園領(lǐng)主所支的差，一般要占農(nóng)奴戶勞動(dòng)量的50%以上，有的高達(dá)70%－80%。烏拉差役又有內(nèi)、外差之分。內(nèi)差是農(nóng)奴向直接依附的領(lǐng)主及其代理人支的差役。外差是農(nóng)奴給西藏地方政府及其下屬機(jī)構(gòu)支的差役。其中農(nóng)奴負(fù)擔(dān)最重的是運(yùn)輸差。西藏地廣人稀，交通不便，各種物資的運(yùn)輸全靠人背畜馱。農(nóng)奴長(zhǎng)年累月跋山涉水為地方政府運(yùn)輸物資，支差之苦正如諺語(yǔ)所言：“靴子無(wú)底，牛背無(wú)毛?！?br/> The second exploitation serfs suffered was corvee labor - a broad term covering not only corvee, but taxes and levies, and rents for land and livestock. The former local government of Tibet alone levied more than 200 kinds of taxes. Serfs had to contribute more than 50 percent or sometimes even 70 to 80 percent of their labor, unpaid, to the government and estate-holders. Corvee labor was divided into two kinds: one was that which serfs provided to the estate-holders they were bonded to and their agents; the other was the unpaid work serfs did for the local government of Tibet and its subordinates. The heaviest was transport corvee, because Tibet is large but sparsely populated and transport was inconvenient, necessitating the transport of all kinds of goods by humans or pack animals. Year after year, serfs were made to transport materials over mountains and rivers for the local government. This gave rise to the saying, "The boots have no soles, and the backs of the cattle are hairless."

農(nóng)奴遭受的第三重剝削是高利貸。在舊西藏，三大領(lǐng)主都是大大小小的高利貸剝削者。西藏地方政府設(shè)有放債機(jī)構(gòu)，放債、收息成為各級(jí)官員的行政職責(zé)。西藏很多寺廟也參與放債，高利貸盤剝的收入占三大寺總收入的25%－30%。貴族絕大多數(shù)也放高利貸，債息在其家庭收入中一般要占15%。農(nóng)奴為了活命不得不頻繁舉債，欠債的農(nóng)奴占農(nóng)奴總數(shù)的90%以上。農(nóng)奴所負(fù)的債務(wù)，形式上分為新債、子孫債、連保債、集體攤派債等等。其中1／3以上是子孫債，也稱舊債，是祖祖輩輩欠下的。這種債由于利上加利，永遠(yuǎn)也還不完。
The third exploitation serfs suffered was usury. In old Tibet, the three major estate-holders were all exploiters of usury. The local government of Tibet had many money-lending agencies, and lending money and collecting interest were among officials' duties. Many monasteries also participated in money-lending. Revenue from usury made up 25 to 30 percent of the total revenue of the three major monasteries, namely Drepung, Sera and Ganden. Most aristocrats were also engaged in usury, the interest of which accounted for 15 percent of their family revenues. Serfs had to borrow money to survive, and more than 90 percent of serf households were in debt. Serfs were burdened with new debts, debts passed down from previous generations, debts resulting from joint liability, and debts apportioned among all the serfs. One third of these were the debts passed down from previous generations which could never be repaid, even by succeeding generations, due to the imposition of compound interest.

政教合一的封建農(nóng)奴制度嚴(yán)重阻礙著社會(huì)進(jìn)步。直到1951年和平解放前，西藏沒(méi)有現(xiàn)代工商業(yè)，現(xiàn)代科技、教育、文化、衛(wèi)生事業(yè)幾乎是空白，沒(méi)有一條現(xiàn)代意義上的公路，西藏與外界幾乎隔絕；農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)長(zhǎng)期處于原始耕作狀態(tài)，勞動(dòng)工具原始簡(jiǎn)單，牧業(yè)基本是自然游牧方式，農(nóng)牧品種單一且退化，整個(gè)生產(chǎn)力水平和社會(huì)發(fā)展十分低下，社會(huì)發(fā)育程度極低。
Feudal serfdom under theocracy seriously obstructed social progress in Tibet. At the time of the peaceful liberation in 1951, there was almost no trace of modern industry, commerce, science and technology, education, culture, or health care. With no roads in the modern sense, Tibet was cut off from the outside world. Primitive farming had long been used in agricultural production, and farm tools were rudimentary. Herdsmen had to travel from place to place to find pasture for their livestock. There were few strains and breeds of grains and animals, and some had even degenerated. The level of both the productive forces and social development was thus extremely low.

法國(guó)旅行家亞歷山大·大衛(wèi)·妮爾在《古老的西藏面對(duì)新生的中國(guó)》一書(shū)中這樣描寫當(dāng)時(shí)人民的情形：“這些可憐的人們只能永遠(yuǎn)待在他們貧瘠的土地上。他們完全失去了一切人的自由，一年更比一年窮?！睆V大人民沒(méi)有基本的生存權(quán)，更沒(méi)有發(fā)展權(quán)。他們被剝奪了受教育的權(quán)利，不能學(xué)習(xí)民族的語(yǔ)言文化，到20世紀(jì)50年代時(shí)，西藏僅有2000多貴族子弟在舊式官辦學(xué)校和私塾學(xué)習(xí)，青壯年文盲率高達(dá)95%。廣大人民沒(méi)有經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展權(quán)，三大領(lǐng)主只從農(nóng)奴那里榨取暴利，卻不更新生產(chǎn)工具，農(nóng)奴沒(méi)日沒(méi)夜地勞作，也不能創(chuàng)造更多的社會(huì)產(chǎn)品，沒(méi)有社會(huì)再生產(chǎn)的能力。
French traveler Alexandra David-Neel described people's life in her book Le vieux Tibet Face a la Chine nouvelle (When Old Tibet Meets New China), "These poor people can only stay on their sterile land forever. They lose all human freedom, and become poorer and poorer each year." The people had no basic right to subsistence, much less to development. They were deprived of the right to education, and could not be schooled in their native language and culture. By the 1950s, the 2,000 or more studying in old-style government-run schools and old-style private schools were exclusively aristocrats; the illiteracy rate of the young and the middle-aged was 95 percent. The people had no right to economic development. The three major estate-holders squeezed profits from serfs, but did not update their tools; serfs worked day and night, but could not make more social products because they had no capability for social reproduction.

舊西藏政教合一的封建農(nóng)奴制度之野蠻、殘酷、落后，猶如黑暗的歐洲中世紀(jì)。1904年到過(guò)拉薩的英國(guó)隨軍記者埃德蒙·坎德勒在《拉薩真面目》中有這樣的描述：當(dāng)時(shí)的西藏“人民還停留在中世紀(jì)的年代，不僅僅是在他們的政體、宗教方面，在他們的嚴(yán)厲懲罰、巫術(shù)、靈童轉(zhuǎn)世以及要經(jīng)受烈火與沸油的折磨方面是如此，而且在他們?nèi)粘Ｉ畹乃蟹矫嬉捕疾焕狻薄?br/> The feudal serfdom under theocracy in old Tibet was savage, cruel and backward, like the dark society of medieval Europe. In his book The Unveiling of Lhasa, British military journalist Edmund Candler, who visited Lhasa in 1904, recorded details of the old Tibetan society: "...at present, the people are medieval, not only in their system of government and their religion, their inquisition, their witchcraft, their incarnations, their ordeals by fire and boiling oil, but in every aspect of their daily life."